Hissène Habré’s case: Origins and current debate

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Hissène Habré’s case: Origins and current debate

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Abstract

In February 2003, the Darfur conflict, an ethnic clash in western Sudan, began and, in March 2004, Mukesh Kapila, called it the "world's greatest humanitarian crisis". Thus, in January 2005, the UN Secretary-General's Commission of Inquiry on Darfur estimated in its report that there were already 1.6 million internally displaced persons and more than 200,000 refugees coming from Darfur into neighboring Chad. Moreover, many states and International NGOs are involved in this Sudanese civil war such as the French one named Zoé's Ark which attempted to provide aid for children affected by the murderous conflict. Nevertheless, on October 30th, 2007, seventeen members of this organization were arrested in Abéché and accused by the Chadian government of abducting 103 African children. Indeed, these children declared by the group orphans and issued from Darfur, were mostly Chadian and had at least one living parent or guardian. Idriss Deby, the current president of Chad has promised “severe punishment”. Therefore, on November 4th, 2007, Nicolas Sarkozy, the current president of France, came to N'Djamena and negotiated. Various world political actors such as the Chadian government and the French one but also the African Union were then involved in this case and the issue was to know where the French people would be judged.

Introduction.
A current situation conditioned by several historical phenomena.
1. The role of the conditions of the rise of Hissene Habre to power.
2. A socio-political context favouring the use of violence in Chad.
A desire for justice: From a local affair to an international concern.
1. A local affair responding to local interests.
2. An international affair: A desire for establishing an international justice.
A trial paralyzed by many difficulties.
1. The issue of making the difference between the persons responsible for such political crimes and the victims.
2. Many tensions which paralyzed the justice.
3. Some problems related to the NGOs involved in the case
Conclusion.
Bibliography.

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[...] This current situation was conditioned by several historical phenomena such as the colonial past of this country which provided the Chadian people with a political culture deprived of democratic principles and led to the cohabitation of various ethnic groups in the same state. Nevertheless, when Idriss Déby overthrew the Chadian dictator in 1990, he presented himself as a “promoter of democracy” according to Huntington's categorisation and he promised to judge Hissène Habré, responsible for human rights violations from 1982 to 1990. [...]

[...] Nevertheless, the current president of Chad was the commander-in-chief of the army of Habré and was deeply associated with the dictatorship of his predecessor. Thus, Déby needed to appear as a victim of the former regime to legitimize the establishment of his new regime which, according to him, aimed to promote the democracy and the principles associated with it. Few months after his march on N'Djamena, Idriss Déby established the Justice's Commission of Inquiry on the Crimes committed by the Regime of Hissène Habré to “investigate the illegal imprisonments, detentions, assassinations, disappearances, torture, the mistreatment, and other attacks on the physical or mental integrity of persons, and all violations of human rights and illicit trafficking in narcotics between 1982 to 1990”. [...]

[...] Therefore, on November 4th Nicolas Sarkozy, the current president of France, came to N'Djamena and negotiated. Various world political actors such as the Chadian government and the French one but also the African Union were then involved in this case and the issue was to know where the French people would be judged. A local conflict became an international concern and the issue was more complicated since European countries were involved in an African preoccupation regarding the colonial past. The Habré's case is precisely similar. [...]

[...] Today, an investigation of systematic abuse and repression aims to contribute to future respect for human rights. Transitional justice is also necessary for domestic reconciliation. For instance, Madeleine Albright, a United States Secretary of State, argued that “establishing the truth about what happened in Bosnia is essential to national reconciliation”. Indeed, many thinkers believe that justice aims to re-establish peace allowing national reconciliation and then leading to durable stability in the country and in the world. Nevertheless, in Chad, these goals are not on target for Déby who do not wish such a “national reconciliation”. [...]

[...] Nonetheless, the opposition between Goukouni's faction and Habré's forces reappeared and each of these two leaders attempted to establish his domination. Habré won but many opponents remained and he used torture and political violence to maintain his regime in power. The internationalization of the Chadian issue began before 2000 Chad was a French colony during more than fifty years. Thus, some world countries were involved in this country before the conflict between factions which provoked coups and triggered a civil war in 1979. [...]

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