The European Parliament is often seen as the principal venue of democratic debate in the expression of European political awareness. Hence, it acquired its present name on March 30, 1962, after having been successively called Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community (extended to Euratom and the European Economic Community), and then the European Parliamentary Assembly.
It is true that at first sight, although it is unicameral, it has strong similarities with national parliaments. Indeed, its structure is modeled after those of the parliaments of the Member States: it includes both a plenary session, parliamentary committees, political groups, a general secretariat, political bodies (Bureau, Conference of Presidents etc).This applies to the method of selecting its representatives, namely the election.
This is done by direct universal suffrage since the act on the European elections by direct universal suffrage was signed in Brussels on September 20, 1976, the first having taken place between June 7, 1979 and June 10, 1979. Previously, members of Parliament were appointed by each national parliament within it (they all had a dual mandate). This characteristic makes the European Parliament the first international parliament directly elected by people belonging to different nations. However, efforts are on to analyze its real institutional power.
Its political role has evolved since its creation, so that opinions are divided between whether it should be considered a true parliamentary chamber or a mere consultative assembly. It started as a forum for consultation, and many saw it as the "poor relation" of the triangle community (Commission-Council-Parliament). Moreau Defarges once stated that the Parliament has always suffered from a "difficulty of being". But it has gradually acquired more and more functions: co-decision power on par with the Council to censure the Commission, budgetary powers, investigative powers etc.
Some do not consider decisions made by such an institution that provides advice on request or on its own initiative, to be binding. In view of what is actually present and the extent of its powers and influence, such a model is not adequately satisfactory. Others view it as a real parliament, akin to those countries with a representative government, an institution that owns (or co-owns) the legislature (the proposal, discussion and voting laws), and often budgetary powers (vote of revenue and expenditure) and executive control (as part of the balance of powers). Its main function would meet the democratic deficit of the European Union.
But today, it is clear that Parliament has both a legislative power (shared with the Council) as it participates in the development of Community legislation to varying degrees, a budget authority (also jointly owned by the Parliament and the Council) and it can exercise political control of European institutions.
Does this mean that the Parliament can truly be considered a full-fledged independent and legitimate parliamentary chamber? A detailed study of the development of its prerogatives helps us understand that the European Parliament actually looks like a classic parliamentary chamber.
Tags: European Parliament, Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community, European Parliamentary Assembly
[...] A process culminating in the Treaty of Lisbon: the empowerment of the European Parliament The Lisbon Treaty, signed on December and effective from December has significantly strengthened the powers of the European Parliament in budgetary powers and legislative control. Now, Parliament shall decide on the entire budget of the European Union, as well as the Council, while the Treaty of Nice does not give it the last word on "compulsory expenditure" (representing 45% of the budget).The Reform Treaty simplifies and accelerates the budget process: the distinction between two categories of expenditure is thus eliminated. [...]
[...] The Single European Act of 1986 gave the Parliament a greater role in some legislative areas by setting up a cooperation procedure (after negotiations between the European Commission, Council and Parliament, the Council has the final word and acts unanimously: Parliament can reject the draft by absolute majority, but the Council may depart from this rejection unanimously) and treaties regarding membership and association is subject to its assent. In 1992, the Maastricht Treaty introduced the co-decision procedure for certain cases (including the internal market or free movement of workers), while it extended the cooperation procedure (transport, development cooperation etc). [...]
[...] It gives an ultimate role to Parliament in the adoption of the budget: the European Commission prepares a draft budget, which will pronounce the Council and Parliament, it can approve or amend (simple majority) the Council's position . The Lisbon Treaty also strengthened the powers of Parliament in the decision process. It devotes the codecision procedure as "ordinary legislative procedure" (Article 2 of the Treaty of Lisbon, numbered 251 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the Union): Once the proposal is amended by Parliament amid a procedure conciliation, Parliament can reject (simple majority) the new project, despite the Council's approval, or approve (by three fifths of the votes) the new project, despite the rejection of Council.This treaty extends very clearly the Parliament's field of expertise (by adding more than forty areas in relation to the contents of the Treaty of Nice, including agriculture, fishing, freedom, safety, health funds, energy security, home affairs, justice and the common commercial policy), thereby strengthening its role, and therefore the democratic nature of decision-making within the institutions. [...]
[...] This imbalance between the measures that the Commission may take vis-à-vis the Parliament, and those that the Parliament can take vis-à-vis the Commission, seems likely to indicate that Parliament is not a parliamentary assembly, because there is no collective responsibility of its members (as opposed to the dissolution in France, for example), even if the indemnity of an MEP can be lifted to respond to a lawsuit. Anyway, the fact that this censure motion is difficult to apply once again refers [...]
[...] The European Parliament is consulted by the Council and informed on the main aspects and basic choices of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (which coordinates the foreign policies of Member States of the European Union) and may submit to the latter issues and recommendations. It should nevertheless be noted that through its Committee on Foreign Affairs, the European Parliament is in regular contact with the EU High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy and with the European Commissioner for External Relations. [...]
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