Muslims and Violence

Extract

[...] At this point no one could claim power since religious and political power was vested in the Prophet by Allah. After the death of the prophet in 632, some Arab tribes tried to live outside the Muslim state as a sort of denial of any political authority other than that of the prophet's; therefore, started the wars of apostasy for different pretexts: some Muslims argued about who deserves to succeed the prophet in political power, others rejected the Caliph's authority to collect the alms giving (Zakāt) , a third category admired the prophet as a man and could not accept the authority of the Caliph Abu-Bakr or anyone else . [...]

[...] 14 Uthman Muhammad Fathi, op.cit. p. 100. 15 Koran, Chapter 11 (HUD): '' If thy Lord had so willed, He could have made mankind one People: but they will not cease to dispute, except those on whom thy Lord hath bestowed His Mercy: and for this did He create them: and the Word of thy Lord shall be fulfilled '' B. Failure in Performance Theoretically, the aim of the Muslim State is to provide for the basic individual and collective needs; Sheikh Al-Shātibi, who died in 1388, would call those basic needs '' Necessities '' which are indispensable for the well being of Muslims in this world and hereafter 16. [...]

[...] First, it should be pointed out that the Holy Koran and the True Sunnah do not contain conclusive provisions about: 1. Imāma; no one can claim in the name of God that Muslims' political and spiritual leadership is inherent to a particular person; the prophet ruled the Muslims on the basis of Revelation; when he died, Revelation would not serve as a source of legitimacy to anyone else; using analogy to prove someone's merit of Imāma is inappropriate because no Muslim dares to claim the prophet's religious and political status. [...]

[...] Articles Guzman (R.M.), Arab Tribes, the Umayyad Dynasty and the Abbasid Revolution, in The American Journal Of Islamic Social Sciences, Vol. 24, Nr. 4. Rosenthal (E.), The role of the State in Islam: Theory and Medieval Practice, in Islam, Vol. 50, 1973. Salāma (A.A.), Tawfīr Alhadjat Al-Asasiya Fi Dhil Al-Dawla Al-Islamiya ( Providing Basic Needs Under the Reign of the Muslim State ), in Abhath Al- Iktisād Al-Islami Journal , Vol. 1, Issue 2, 1987. Zerari (F.)., La naissance du droit constitutionnel, in Kuweit Journal of Law, Vol. 3, Septembre 2009. III. [...]

[...] 9 Idem. 10 Al Intisar, Les différentes écoles juridiques [ on line ] http://alfatihoun.edaama.org/Fathul%20Moubin/FathulMoubin/Fiqh/Madhdhab.html During two centuries, the Islamic political writings developed increasingly due to the accumulated experience of the Islamic State, the benefit from political thought and experience of other civilizations and doctrinal prosperity during the Umayyad and Abbasid reign. The Islamic political writings followed four different methods: one way is to dedicate separate chapters for questions related to State management within general doctrinal works as '' Al Um '' ( The Mother ), by Shafi'i, is an example ; the second method is to relate political subjects with a particular legal issue such as State finances as did Abu Yūsef ( 732-798 ), one of Abu Hanīfa' s students, in his book '' Alkharadj ''( Imposition ) ; a third method is to devote a whole treatise to only political issues as is the case of '' Al Ahkām Alsultānia '' ( The Sultanic Rulings ) of Al-Māwardi ( 975-1058 ); the last method is to dedicate a whole treatise to a particular political issue such as '' Alnnidham Al Mali lildawla '' ( The Financial regime of the State ) of Abu Ubeid Al Kacim ibn Salām ( 770-838 ) 11. [...]