When a political scandal breaks it has a way of dominating the national discourse between the political parties. Seemingly regardless of the nature of the scandalous content, once that label has been affixed within days media news outlets are saturated with condemnations, protests of innocence, at times admissions of guilt and always speculation. Political and moral corruption amongst our leaders has become a public fascination and at times a political focus. This is especially true in the American Congress. Some are concerned that such a culture obscures more pressing policy issues in favor of comparatively trivial scandal mongering and gossip, yet these events effect public perception of leadership. In Congress, the outcome of a modern scandal matters a great deal for the players involved, and we have ample evidence to suggest that these outcomes matter in the broader partisan scheme of things.
[...] They are literal power struggles in many cases, but the essential political capital of reputation and trust are most certainly at stake in either case. Trust and reputation are precious political commodities in Congress. This cuts to heart of Fenno's concept of authenticity which he links to representation and electoral success. Exposed corruption or misconduct is the antithesis of authenticity, it is disingenuousness. Demand authenticity from public officials and to suspect disingenuousness is a feature of the American character. These tendencies were sown in from the nations founding, and have only been intensified by the Watergate scandal which maintains a legacy of scandal obsession and distrust (Schud 5). [...]
[...] The legislators were dissenters in regard to the redistricting, and were critical of the fact that it appeared political contributions could affect legislative tendencies. With multiple scandals brewing around Delay and further deliberation by the Ethics Committee pending, many of Delays critics called for his resignation from leadership (Babington A01). DeLay fought vigorously against the decision. He was backed by many other Republicans including House Speaker Dennis Hastert. Unlike the 1989 Democrats, this Republican Party was reluctant to allow the House Ethics Committee to attack a Republican leader, thus supplying opponents with canon fodder. [...]
[...] This would be the building of political machines in order perpetuate power and economic control or personal such as accepting gifts or taking illegal campaign contributions. In the personal realm there are sex scandals, campaign scandals, and money scandals each with varying features and implications although all equally beloved by the media. The key people involved in the scandal are another salient factor. Thompson says, citizens maybe formally equal before the law, but not all the transgressors are equal in the court of scandal” (Thompson 15). [...]
[...] If the sub committee judges a representative to be guilty of any charges in their report, the full Committee convenes to make recommendations on disciplinary action. They have their pick of disciplinary instrument. Many of which must then be sent to the chamber floor to pass. In the Senate the same role is filled by the Senate Select Committee on Ethics. Under rare conditions the Committee might recommend expulsion. This recommendation would be sent to the house or Senate floor where it would require a 2/3's majority or at least 290 representatives and 67 Senators to pass. [...]
[...] The creation and use of political scandal was a common tactic in Gingrich's political strategy for himself and the Republican Party. Having analyzed past realignments in Congress, Gingrich sought to “delegitimize the opposition” as one of his main strategic pillars (Saba 85-87). Since his very first campaign he would accomplish this through variety of methods including alleging corruption. He used Corrupt vs. Honest as two of his favorite words to characterize and contrast the Republican Party with the entrenched Democratic Party in his speeches (Saba 88). [...]
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