Europe is experiencing since the mid-1980s (west) and since the fall of the Berlin Wall (East) a radicalization that political observers describe by different names. This is called "rise of the extreme right" or "radical right". It evokes the irresistible rise of "populism" or "national-populism". The feeling at the beginning of the twenty-first century is that of a conquest of European electorate by parties who, to varying degrees, can be regarded as dangerous for democracy. This document has tried to engage these right-wing parties, and realized they were very different, and that one could not speak a common language even if there were shared common elements. Since the authors do not always agree, a little more time was spent on an approach that seemed particularly interesting, as it is the link between the rise of extremism vis-a-vis modernity. How does one explain this breakthrough of the extreme right and especially its roots in the European political landscape? Is this a new phenomenon, linked to postmodern and post-industrial era?
Definition (Milza): first, the use of the term "extreme right" is not universal. The Anglo-Saxons prefer to speak of radical right or radical right, an expression which has the advantage of aligning with the international practice and provide a meaning broad enough to cover and therefore to understand the cultures of authoritarian, anti egalitarian, hierarchical, anti-rationalist who have periodically emerged during this century. The variety of names reflects the difficulty in defining precisely the subject discussed.
A variety of extreme rights are lines that refer to the extreme message of populism and nationalism that are indeed very different. One can not actually say that the Italian Umberto Bossi, with the Northern League, JM Le Pen with the FN in France or Norway's Carl Hagen with the PIF, share the same beliefs and origins. For example, the Northern League of Umberto Bossi is the easy electorate in the periphery , especially in Lombardy, in opposing the Roman centralism and against a central government accused of being too generous with the South of Italy, much less developed; However, Le Pen played much on the theme of the unity of France and the nostalgia of nationalism "center".
Similarly, the leaders of the Polish far-right party defending the values and moral authority close to the fundamentalist Catholicism;
This has little to do with the Pim Fortuyn list created by a man whose homosexuality was displayed fully in line with the Dutch cultural liberalism (hostility to Islam and non-European immigration in the Netherlands; cultural differences and lack of willingness on the part of assimilation for many immigrants); Anti-communism was often very present in the discourse of the extreme right in Europe, but in the former East Germany, the NDP, which is one of the main formations of the far right German virtues found in the old regime of the GDR (claims that "the GDR was a better Germany" as Germany).
Tags: Western Europe; extreme right parties; rise of the extreme right; radical rights; its roots in European politics;
[...] - Far from these explanations, some see the rise of the far right is a reaction to the crisis of confidence that has hit the world of political representation. Then she would show a steady rise in abstention, the development of behaviors of protests and electoral success of parties "off-system". The populism of the radical right, with its contempt intermediate between the leader and the people and the long tradition of anti-parliamentarism, is particularly effective as an outlet for the crisis of the traditional political representation. [...]
[...] - The National Front, FN, is a French nationalist political party, founded in October 1972 and chaired since then by Jean-Marie Le Pen. Located at the extreme right of the political spectrum, most of its leaders nevertheless rejects the party belonging to the extreme right. The FN is defined as coming from the populist national sovereignty and right, as well as many European movements. - The Northern League is an Italian political party founded in 1991 and comprised of regionalist autonomist leagues that developed in northern Italy in 1979, under the hegemony of the Lombard League. [...]
[...] Far-right parties today do not advocate that. → Finally, no current training does not recommend or massive government intervention in the economy (Nazis, fascists) nor a corporatist organization of society. The far-right fascist-like Europe's remaining old are now bloodless (for example in Spain, Greece or Portugal): they no longer meet the electoral echo and are marginal. However, when the heirs more or less distant, seize the current problems, their success can be spectacular (FPÖ in Austria, FN in France all exceeded the 10% and even 20% that of Austria) Analysis of the far right has been since his return on the European political scene in 1980-1990, many approaches to try to bring out its main springs. [...]
[...] So, all right-wing parties in Europe have experienced proletarianization of their electorate. In 2004, some graduates popular original constituents are 3 quarters of all the right-wing electorate have no diploma or have achieved a primary or secondary). ● The far right has been able to influence its discourse and ideological orientations to address the workers and small independent bourgeoisie: - The right-wing parties usually offer a welfare state, representing a redistribution of wealth, reducing inequalities and booking mechanisms welfare state to nationals only. [...]
[...] Modernity The explanation is found in these authors and many others is that the discomfort associated with modernity, modernity in the economic, social, political and cultural. The explanation includes elements theses that we have just seen, and somehow makes the synthesis, or at least it's complete. ● On the economic front, the decline of industrial society is giving way to the explosion of a service economy, a fracture in the labor market with the introduction of a dual society where low-skilled and insecure jobs devolved to the "people at the bottom." For them, the dual society is reflected by the disappearance of what made sense in industrial society. [...]
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