Even though it is not the biggest extreme-right party in Europe, the French National Front finds a particular resonance internationally, considering its long-lasting influence on the national political field. Often wrongly considered as a simple heir of Poujadism, it can no longer be considered as a marginal movement. Poujadism lasted for only five years whereas the FN will celebrate its 37th birthday in 2009. Besides, its electoral results exceed 10% since 1984 which makes it the third largest French political party today.1 According to Dino Cofrancesco, the FN can be defined as “une droite radicale qui ne se reconnaît pas dans la société ouverte et ses institutions et propose un modèle politique et social différent, selon lui plus conforme à la nature humaine que celui existant”.2 More precisely, it should be called neo-populist more than fascist as sometimes asserted, since fascism implies an action outside the law and the electoral system. The FN cannot be considered without its historical leader Jean-Marie Le Pen who has been in charge of the party since the beginning. The oldest candidate in 2007, he is among the few current politicians who participated at the 4th Republic.
The durability and the increasing success of the FN, bring into question the political and social changes that can have made it so strong in the so-called human rights' country.
[...] Nevertheless, his strategy appeared to be efficient: in 1995, he won 15% of the voters, while the FN candidates won the local elections of Toulon, Marignane et Orange and then Vitrolles, in 1997, with of the votes.[9] What happened next is well-known, with the unexpected result of April 2002 giving rise to the possibility of a FN French president for the first time. Since the beginning, the FN has relied on a strong basis of voters matching a specific profile. [...]
[...] It partially inspired the creation of the ‘Front National pour l'unité française' on October 5th of 1972. The use of the word Front means that the different movements don't disappear but are gathered. Le Pen is already part of the 6 leading members of the party. Since he is favorable to a French Algeria and was previously a member of Poujadism (in 1956) and of CNI (1958), he easily became the president of the council, but the fact he did not belong to any of the activist movements, is what gives him more credibility in the voting process.[3] Then, the campaigns putting forward the everlasting themes of the FN started. [...]
[...] Indeed, in his argumentations, Le Pen kept his ideas of conservatism from getting muddled with never-ending attacks against the outdated reign of the ‘quadrille bipolaire'.[24] The peculiar strength of the FN thus comes from the fact that it has built itself as an opposition party. Paradoxically, it took advantage of the fact that it never directly participated in national power, or has never been in charge of a French major city (except Toulon, and for a limited amount of time). Indeed, it could still affirm itself as an outsider, even while gaining power over the voters' intentions. [...]
[...] Jean Viard rightly states that “tout corps politique est le fruit de son histoire”.[18] The improbable FN breakthrough cannot be analyzed without considering the victory of the left in 1981 or the special connection France has with its History (Vichy and collaboration or French Algeria for instance). Actually, it appears that FN was born exactly when the society was ready to adopt it, nearly by chance. Some would call it the third industrial revolution, France was meeting the conditions provoked by the end of industry as it previously existed. [...]
[...] They remain focused on the concept of the Nation, putting “toute la pensée et l'action [du FN] au service de la Nation.”(1973 program)[15] The first are the traditional values such as family, love for the homeland, work, religion, etc. The FN condemns any attitude considered a deviant from these values, because they are supposed to weaken the national cohesion, such as abortion, homosexuality, trade unions, freedom of the youth, or the refusal of effort. There is also the issue of economic liberalism. [...]
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