Catherine and Zoe Petre Durandin question the sense that one gives to democratic transition. Democratic transition in the book is presented as a concept but also as an effective policy implementation.
This idea will be the theme of the book and it is structured around the political factor, a factor that unfolds as the predictor of the development of contemporary Romania. The purpose of this document is to capture the transition to democracy through its successes and syncopes.
The authors demonstrate why a cognitive understanding of the world and a willingness to interpret the phenomenon of transition is needed. Cultural and historical approaches will be sought mainly in the study and will realize a real progress.
The phenomenon of democratic transition opens a new horizon of thoughts and interpretations of history. This idea can account for the fundamental questions of the authors. A transition can still lead to confusion and even tension. It is not always easy to grasp a clear understanding of the transition. Indeed, it speaks "as if the starting point and end point were well known."
There is a difficulty to talk about a real change in the early 1990s. No clean break is played. Most ministers are the same from before 1989, except those of Education, Culture and Foreign Affairs. There is talk of elites' self-proclaimed "living the transition to certain serenity. While the democratic transition means change of flux, therefore, "Romania was entangled, isolated in a past that does not pass, a history of over forty years now prohibited, with the collapse of communist regimes."
Tags: Romania, Catherine and Zoe Petre Durandin
[...] Because it is clear that all actors of civil liberation are ultimately heroes of Romania after 1989 because they have sacrificed their lives for freedom. A freedom that can be scary because we have seen, it generates both the responsibility and commitment of people. It is nevertheless fundamentally the safe condition of human nature. What characterized the pre-1989 was the hope of a better life that led to the resignation. In the post-1989, Romanians transcend fears to conquer freedom. They are willing to exist even if the first steps are laborious. [...]
[...] Disenchantment will awaken to the extent of the illusion which had veiled reality. The election of Emil Constantinescu had naturally raised the crowd creating a symbol around himself. But to have based much hope around a leader only brings disappointment. These rose by a tendency, often common to many nations, which is to "rely on charismatic." In this, the report of "the good fortune and misfortune of the Democratic convention" is more than justified. However, it is not the same for the explanation of disenchantment to the detriment of the term of Emil Constantinescu. [...]
[...] Even as a former adviser to the Romanian President, we can consider that Zoe Petre has had time to reflect on the failure of Emil Constantinescu. But this is not the effect that the text produced. A fundamental question (or even a criticism) arises: why not have looked for other explanatory factors? Catherine and Zoe Petre Durandin say in unison that the use of the term "transition" still makes sense in the late 2000s because the democratic system is revealed as yet is incomplete. [...]
[...] It structures the study in a realistic or naturalistic way. One can think of the trilogy of the three ie Frig (cold), Frica (fear) Foame (hunger) when "fatigue weighs a population facing shortages." The succeeding months of the transition are qualified as "bizarre" where everyone seems to say that it happens in Romania. This impression is explained by comparison with neighboring countries, including Czechoslovakia (then) with the figure of Vaklav or as Havel and Poland's Solidarity trade union history. The newspaper is included as a set of political practices recurring near to suffocation. [...]
[...] Time and space are the conditions of possibility. The transition faced problem in its report due to the time, when the speed of application seemed to be the watchword. The founding democratic principles are not automatic, even less spontaneous. In this, the author develops a strong idea that "the offsets are not historical if we think". This means that Romanians do not attribute the same meanings as in most Western democratic signs such as free elections, human rights, God, Parliament, etc . [...]
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