Conflict management, War of the Sands, military support, diplomatic intervention, Morocco, Algeria, Cuba, Egypt, USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, OAU Organization of African Unity, USA United States of America, France, violence, enemy image, peacebuilding, conflict spiral model, international mediation, Mali, Ethiopia, Istiqlal Party of Morocco
In 1956, Morocco claimed sovereignty over parts of the Sahara which were under Moroccan influence, "the Greater Morocco". Interested in Algerian Sahara because of recently discovered resources, France tried to trade these territories against a common organization responsible for exploiting the resources, and a ban on sheltering Algerian insurgents. King Mohammed V saw this proposal as betraying the FLN and separately reached an agreement on July 6th 1961 with the Provisional Prime Minister, Ferhat Abbas. According to this agreement, once Algerian independence was achieved, the status of Tindouf and Bechar would be renegotiated (interdependence between the parties). However, in 1962, a coalition led by Ben Bella ousted Abbas, and this agreement became void. The Istiqlal Party of Morocco (independence party) qualified Algerians as "ungrateful", deepening tensions. For its part, Algeria perceived Morocco's demands as an attempt to exert pressure when the country was weak (power imbalance towards Morocco, mutual perception issue). Algeria wanted to protect its territorial unity over foreign powers, and was reluctant to hand over any Saharian territory, as the war could have ended in 1958 if the FLN decided to let the Sahara to France.
[...] Refused to directly support Morocco during the conflict to avoid escalation with USSR. The French Republic (France): Integrated Tindouf and Bechar to Algeria in 1952, following the discovery of natural resources. Tried to close a deal with Morocco to keep these territories from becoming Algerian but failed. Refused to directly support parties during the conflict to avoid escalation. Previously refused to sell weapons to Algeria, leading to Algeria's turn towards Cuba and Egypt. The United Nations Refused to lead negotiations at the request of Morocco. [...]
[...] The borders are still closed nowadays, costing billion yearly to the Moroccan economy and depriving local populations from a normal life. In 1999, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, attended Hassan II's funeral, and declared 3 days of official mourning in Algeria for his "brother's" death, opening a way for reconciliation. In July 2004, the king abolished visa requirements for Algerians entering Morocco. However, a wall is still being built at the border, showing how the War of the Sands changed the face of the region. [...]
[...] Morocco sent a delegation to negotiate in Algiers, but both will declare on October 9th that the other sent troops on its territory. The two countries are about to enter into war. The conflict turned violent (second stage of conflict escalation with attempt of de-escalation). - On October 14th, the Moroccan Royal Army launches an offensive on Tinjoub, Hassi Beïda and in the Bechar region, plunging 100 kilometers into Algerian territory. This first intervention by the regular forces marks the beginning of the war. On October 15th, Algeria decided to mobilize its regular forces (final stage of conflict escalation). [...]
[...] As the Algerian army was crushed, the conflict provoked major psychological and political effects. The army's poor record was used as an excuse to oust Ben Bella and repress Kabyles, as their commanders defected to join the ANP during the conflict. Since, Algeria saw a steady increase of the defense's weight in the budget, with 6.2% of GDP devoted in 2018. This increase can be perceived as a genuine fear of its neighbor (the feeling of betrayal is still vibrant in contemporary Algeria and was felt by Ben Bella at the time ) given that the Algerian constitution prohibits the conduct of military operations abroad if it isn't for self-defense or national security. [...]
[...] If so, locate these attempts in time and space (when, where and how did they take place? What were the results?) Hassan II visited Algiers in March 1963 to discuss the undefined borders, but Ben Bella believed the matter should be resolved at a later date. The continuous postponement of the problem by Algerian authorities has contributed to Morocco's increasingly extreme stance, and it was directly after this refusal that Istiqlal published its "Greater Morocco" map. What are the limitations and risks of applying this approach to the conflict? [...]
APA Style reference
For your bibliographyOnline reading
with our online readerContent validated
by our reading committee