At the end of the First World War, the breakup of the Ottoman Empire left the Middle East disrupted, destabilized, and therefore potentially dangerous, especially in the view of Western powers. After the horror of this war, the desire for a lasting and definitive peace was stronger than ever, and the goal becomes international, as evidenced, among other things, by the creation of the League of Nations. A decision has to be taken place under the tutelage of Western victors of the war. France will then be entrusted with the goal of creating democratic states.
This process should aim to stabilize the region but also form a state on the Western model, facilitating dialogue and exchange. This transition period could be described as the process of decolonization, institutional and political organization in Lebanon and is largely influenced by the French occupation. The choice of the establishment is that it should be socially and ideologically fragmented, but also be stable and based on consensus and cooperation.
The differentiation between communities is primarily religious, and rather we are talking about sectarianism in the case of Lebanon. But in 1943, on the date of independence granted by the Free France, the problems were not resolved. Indeed, the fragile balance of any new state will be undermined by an extremely tense international context of the Cold War, while its sovereignty was challenged by new interference from outside, like those of its neighbors, Syrians and Israelis.
The decolonization process was supposed to lead the full exercise of sovereignty of the Lebanese state, and seems to begin with the fall of the Ottoman Empire. However, the official date of independence of the country can be recognized as the end of this process. To what extent is the political and cultural life of Lebanon the result of outside powers to form a new state? At first this paper will show the influence inherited from the French occupation, before it takes a look at the new form of colonialism exerted by Syria on Lebanon.
Certainly, a province named Mount - Lebanon had some autonomy under the Ottoman Empire. But in 1920, when the region was placed under French mandate, the Lebanese state did not exist. The creation of this new state will be the result of an alien will, and organization depends on the true practice of colonial France in the country. Lebanon was created as a state during the French mandate. The bases of the Lebanese system must be considered in this context of strong external influences.
Tags: Lebanon; political and cultural organization; influence inherited from French occupation; Syrian influences; process of decolonization;
[...] In Lebanon, the political and economic power has the distinction of being preserved and transmitted within family dynasties. There and hegemony social, economic and political one "club" notabilities of all faiths. Between 1920 and 1972, fewer than 250 families share 956 parliamentary seats and twenty-six families monopolize alone 35% of the seats with a seamless continuity for more than half a century. These elite interpreters were needed between the colonial power and the local population. A great collaboration has in large Lebanese families: The Franjieh.In 1929, Qabalan Franjieh is a member of Zgharta. [...]
[...] The foundations of the Lebanese system must be considered in this context of strong external influence. As soon as France is given the mandate Lebanese, two opposing currents quickly with one hand an Arab nationalist movement in favor of the independence of a "Greater Syria", which Lebanon would be a province and under the direction of a sovereign Arab and the other a Christian movement, mainly composed of Maronites in Lebanon for an independent state. France takes an advantage for Christians, in particular for reasons of religious solidarity and this legitimate domination by the census of 1932, reflecting a slight majority of Christians in Lebanon. [...]
[...] Just as France had favored Christian hegemony, Syria tipped the balance of power in favor of political Muslim. All Lebanese institutions is under guardianship, under a police state repression, modeled on Syria. Syrian authorities nominate the administration officials, ministers must give their approval for the signing of any contract status. As an anecdote, Lebanon does not appear on maps as a state of the Syrian administration. Similarly, Syria does not have an embassy in Lebanon, as Lebanon has not Damascus. [...]
[...] Political Islam promotes Palestinian settlement in Lebanon and uses this new situation to challenge the dominance of Christianity in state management. Muslims claim actually equal rights community, including executive management, believing that the Christian majority obtained by the census of 30 years no longer holds. The two-headed being put in place in 1969, when the 1st Minister Rashid Karami refuses to resign at once, but also to implement the policy of the President of the Republic, paralyzing the administration of the state. [...]
[...] " Conclusion Lebanon is a country marked by peculiarities. Cultural heritage, torn between Western influence and Eastern environment and the multitude of religious denominations which compose it are proofs. This apparent lack of unity finds its explanation in the country's history. Indeed, Lebanon has never been the result of a popular movement for independence. Its borders, its people, its institutions were dictated by the will of foreign powers, including France and Syria. This is what leads some to think that the Lebanese independence is an idea that has never met a concrete realization. [...]
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