United States immigration policy towards Haitian and Cuban immigrants is often discussed for its discrepancies. Historically, both countries have experienced political and economic instability that have inevitably led to massive out migration, a large portion of which headed towards the U.S. Nonetheless, American policy towards both groups of immigrants has not been consistent. Although Haitians also suffer from political persecution, human rights violations, and economic disparity, they have greater difficulty than Cuban immigrants in attaining asylum in the U.S. Politicians have provided ideological justifications to back special treatment for Cuban migrants; however, current U.S. policy toward Haitian and Cuban immigration is outdated and should be revised to promote stability and democracy in both countries. As such, if the goal is to deter further immigration, the U.S. should look for ways to aid the Haitian people ensure stability and economic growth.
[...] This occurred despite a 1984 bilateral immigration agreement (suspended in 1985 and reinstated in 1987) which claimed that the U.S. would issue up to 20,000 immigration visas per year for Cuban applicants. Nonetheless, attaining a legal visa involved a long, complicated process, wait lists, and stringent qualifications. As such, the Interest Section in Havana only issued 11,222 immigrant visas from 1985 to 1994. (Max Castro Following the fall of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, the economic crisis in Cuba deepened, the number of rafters gradually increased, and the U.S. [...]
[...] (Stotzky 20) In addition, Haiti has a long history of political corruption and military violence. Ceaseless coups, assassinations, human rights violations, and hostilities with the Dominican Republic have also undermined democratic attempts. Furthermore, the United States occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934 only exacerbated problems within the country; it weakened civil society and solidified the state apparatus. Rather than promoting democracy, the U.S. Marines stimulated further centralization of urban control in Part-au-Prince. As a result, through the “pacification” of the rural areas, economic, fiscal, and political power was further concentrated in the hands of the elites. [...]
[...] Consequently, Haitian immigration to the U.S. has consisted mainly of large numbers of migrants, traveling by boat, without proper travel documents. During the Mariel Boatlift of 1980, an estimated 25,000 Haitians arrived in South Florida seeking asylum (Wasem). In the years following the Mariel, there was a steady flow of migrants. Furthermore, in the post Duvalier years, political chaos and successive military governing councils from 1986 to 1988, and the massacre of peasant activists in 1987, among other events, contributed to Haitian dissatisfaction and emigration (Zephir 67-71). [...]
[...] U.S. policy toward the influx of Haitian immigrants centered around maintaining friendly relations with the non-communist Duvalier government, implementing all possible actions to physically halt the illegal flow of Haitians to the U.S., and promoting economic development in Haiti to staunch further out migration. Reagan's administration neglected the political causes behind the Haitian exodus because Duvalier was anti-communist; there was also a lack of concern for human rights and democratic ideals because Reagan believed economic development programs would ultimately lead to an expansion of the economy, and eventually democracy. [...]
[...] The removal of Spain from the island of Cuba would undeniably facilitate U.S. imperialism and hegemony in the Western Hemisphere. Therefore, American interference in Cuba's struggle for independence was largely based on self interest and set the stage for years of U.S. economic exploitation and political domination of Cuba. (Azicri 10- 15) Despite years of struggle for freedom, the Cubans played no role in the discussion leading to the Treaty of Paris (1898) between the United States and Spain; it was mainly a resolution, ending the war, reached by the two world powers without the input of the affected party. [...]
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