Here is the result of the referendum in February 2009 which raised the question of whether Chavez would be able to get re-elected for life, it happens at the end of his third term, former legal limit in Venezuela. So next year the president attempts to seek a fourth term and continue as its "anti-liberal revolution" begun in 1999. If PDVSA (Petroleos de Venezuela, the state oil company in the country) had been nationalized a few years earlier, Chavez had quickly realized that this massive economic actor could serve its interests and allow it to fulfill its populist policies.
Upon his arrival, he upset the organization of society, however prosperous and competitive in the international market. He wants to officially make the Venezuelan oil and its dividends to the people; unofficially he wants to control the institution by placing supporters. This is just an example of the policy of extending Chavez's presidential election falls into a populist facade. Ideology of a radical socialist and anti-imperialism led him to be closer to all the countries opposed to one way or another the United States, by offering exchanges or donations always based the most expensive commodity: oil. The Bolivarian leader also has a lot of support from the continent and shows a desire for a regional alliance with a multitude of projects. Economically, the country sees GDP growth collapsed while in the 1990s, it was one of the most important on the world stage according to the IMF. However, Chavez's Venezuela, the richness of its soil and its seas, a power that remains, if declining, keeps the oil monopoly in the region and supplies much of the surrounding countries. Dependence on third States allows him to have occasional allies.
We are then entitled to ask how President Chavez has managed to establish its petro populism in Venezuela and extend it to the South American continent. And at what cost economically and geopolitically?
We will try to answer this question in three parts in detail. First, it seems important to recall the foundations of the policies of Hugo Chavez, from taking office until the emergence of Petro-politics. Then we will look at Petro-populism in the service of the revolution and Chavez propaganda through an inventory of the Venezuelan oil wealth and the federalist project of Chavez. Finally, we discuss the economic and geopolitical Caracas, including countries ideologically related and therefore anti-imperialist
[...] Summary I. The foundations of the Venezuelan policy under Hugo Chavez a. Accession to power of Hugo Chavez b. Doctrine and contemporary Bolivarian vision c. Radical change in the petro-political II. A revolutionary spirit in the service of Petro Populism a. Is the Chavismo a derivative of populism? b. The real Venezuelan oil output c. Place on the economic scene mainland and federalism projects in South America III. [...]
[...] Now the Chávez period has dramatically increased interest in Venezuela. International journalists cover the Venezuelan government‟s increasing international profile and file human interest stories on aspects of the Chávez Revolution2. Progressive blogs, web pages, and listserv discussion groups exchange alternative information and organize support initiatives. And renewed scholarly interest has diversified research on Venezuela, complementing the traditional focus on the central institutions of the state with ground-level research on the relational contexts in which politics occurs in everyday social life. [...]
[...] When a Petro-populist power synonymous with anti-imperialism a. Controversial geopolitical relations b. Promotion of exchanges with countries ideologically related c. Use of petro-political to create geopolitical alliances against the United States Introduction 54%. Here is the result of the referendum in February 2009 which raised the question of whether Chavez would be able to get re-elected for life, it happens at the end of his third term, former legal limit in Venezuela. So next year the president attempts to seek a fourth term and continue as its "anti-liberal revolution" begun in 1999. [...]
[...] We are then entitled to ask how President Chavez has managed to establish its petro populism in Venezuela and extend it to the South American continent. And at what cost economically and geopolitically? We will try to answer this question in three parts in detail. First, it seems important to recall the foundations of the policies of Hugo Chavez, from taking office until the emergence of Petro-politics. Then we will look at Petro-populism in the service of the revolution and Chavez propaganda through an inventory of the Venezuelan oil wealth and the federalist project of Chavez. [...]
[...] Secondarily, it may be based on more traditional military means. More than anything, it is about perceptions, beliefs, expectations, legitimacy, and the political will to attempt such an ill-defined revolutionary vision as bolivarianismo. And, the more messianic the vision, the more likely the leader and his followers will remain committed to the use of these political psychological means to achieve their ends. Thus, this type of asymmetric conflict is not won by seizing specific territory militarily or destroying specific buildings, cities, or industrial capability. [...]
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