US United States, world, sources, tools, American foreign policy, IMF International Monetary Fund, Europe, universal model, EU European Union, American way of life, liberal democracy, free enterprise, international ideal, international policy, balance of power, war power, Monroe Doctrine of 1823, foreign entanglement, alliances, multilateralism, NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization, UNO United Nations Organization, state department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, NSC National Security Council, army, navy, air force, US Marines Corps, National Guard, CIA Central Intelligence Agency, DIA Defense Intelligence Agency, Henry Kissinger, Condoleezza Rice, National Security Act of 1947, international organizations, President Bush, George Bush, 1954, moral rearmament, Pledge of Allegiance, 18th century, President Wilson, administration, foreign policy, military policy, national security, projection of power, Iraqi invasion of 2003, intelligence activities, isolationism, unilateralism
There is undoubtedly an American exceptionalism: the US considers itself since the 18th century to be different from Europe.
It has seen itself from the beginning as a universal model: the "American way of life" (linking most strongly liberal democracy and free enterprise, two notions the Europeans often do not see as necessarily related).
It has seen itself as the unique promoter of an international ideal, meaning an international policy not based just on interests and "balance of power" (the European tradition) but on universal values: freedom, the rule of Law, and so on.
[...] It is very telling about the view of US foreign policy which is current in Washington. The Armed Forces Their organization basically did not change since the National Security Act of 1947: Army, Navy, Air Force, US Marines Corps fully integrated force with ships and aircraft). The National Guard (which is not federal but belongs to the different States). High command is constituted by the "Joint Chiefs of Staff", with a chairman. There are big problems of coordination: each service is quite independent, and the Pentagon is more a coalition than a really united system (conflicting procurement systems, and so on . [...]
[...] There are huge, unsatisfied needs in infrastructure, social services and so on. The model has its limits . The Foreign Policy Decision-Making Process At the top we have the President, assisted by the National Security Council. The President enjoys great powers in foreign and military policy, also in foreign trade and economic matters But Congress has the last word on budget: it can control the implementation of all policies. And the Senate has to approve treaties (with a 2/3 majority: it is difficult to reach such a majority, even if "executive agreements" with foreign countries tend to reduce the scope of treaties and allow to by-pass the Senate). [...]
[...] The United States and the World: The Sources and Tools of American Foreign Policy There is undoubtedly an American exceptionalism: the US considers itself since the 18th century to be different from Europe. It has seen itself from the beginning as a universal model: the "American way of life" (linking most strongly liberal democracy and free enterprise, two notions the Europeans often do not see as necessarily related). It has seen itself as the unique promoter of an international ideal, meaning an international policy not based just on interests and "balance of power" (the European tradition) but on universal values: freedom, the rule of Law, and so on. [...]
[...] It is a kind of return to the largely private system by which European countries ran their military establishment until the end of the 18th century. Many people wonder if it does not begin to curtail the ability of the US Government to act in crisis areas, because the short-term logic of those private outfits is not the same as the longer-term logic of governmental institutions. Anyway, it is a major departure. Conclusion The only superpower after the end of the USSR But is the US really a limitless power? [...]
[...] More Recent Developments Some recent and current developments might limit the effectiveness of US foreign policy in the next years. The War in Iraq is absorbing a large part of US defense expenditures. Meanwhile the rapid growth of Chinese armed forces, and particularly of the Chinese Navy, might limit in a few years the capacity of the US to control the Pacific, which has been practically an American lake since 1945 and which is of vital and growing importance. The heavy reliance of the US Armed forces on satellites (for observation, guidance - GPS - and Command and Control was not a problem, before the Chinese demonstrated this year the capability to destroy satellites, a capability which Russia already possesses. [...]
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