In more familiar terms, a gremio was essentially a professional guild while a cofradia was akin to a fraternal society. Gremios were artists' guilds/workshops and were often extremely trade-specific. There were gremios specializing in almost every minute aspect of artisanal production, from brocateado to the making of eyelashes for sculpture. The gremios were profit-oriented organizations centered around the control of a given craft. This was done primarily through the issuing of ordinances regulating pricing, quality and job distribution. They tended to be based out of urban areas because this where their trades were most in demand. Gremios were very hierarchical in structure, with different ranks of craftsman, the highest being master artist and the lowest being apprentice. In order to attain the title of master, an artist had to be examined by another master of the trade.
[...] Spanish ignorance of how to interpret tocapu and its high visibility on unkus allowed the wearer to cryptically communicate information such as opposition to colonial authority to other Inca. In the aftermath of the indigenous uprisings in the final quarter of the 18th century, Spanish authorities took a very negative very of anything that could be used to incite the indigenous population against colonial rule and most aspects of culture associated with Inca culture were banned. Unku and tocapu were singled out as being particularly seditious because of their close association with Inka identity. [...]
[...] Italian mannerism, as exhibited by the work of the Jesuit Bernardo Bitti, was the first wave of stylistic influence evident in the art of Cuzco. Although Bitti and other European artists spent many years in South America and established numerous workshops, they were often too itinerant to provide local artists with comprehensive instruction in the highly refined techniques of the mannerist style. Local artists were thus left with a few examples and a general understanding of mannerist technique, but not a mastery of it.[8] Their dependence on these examples was exacerbated by the Indigenous taboo of using nude models. [...]
[...] Such donations did not have to be monetary; they could also take the form of goods or property. Indeed, income-bearing properties acquired through the charity of cofrades were a major source of revenue.[3] Although comprised of laymen, the cofradia was inherently a religious institution, with membership relative to the parish church and the confradia's leader. The veneration of a specific object or patron saint was central to a cofradia and most its energy and resources were utilized to this effect through devotional art, processions, festivals and triumphal arches. [...]
[...] The shared components of all but the most modest exterior church architecture of 17th and 18th century Viceregal Peru were an arched portal, tower(s), atrium and an ornamented façade composed of columns, pilasters and an entablature. The interiors consisted of a nave, aisles, choir stalls, side chapels, a pulpit and a retablo. Although European convention dictated that it was virtually sacrilege to build a church out of anything but stone, the frequent damage and destruction caused by earthquakes prompted a reevaluation this practice. [...]
[...] The “Arts of Resistance” in Viceregal art refer to the art forms used by indigenous populations to signify their opposition to colonial authority and to try to maintain aspects and traditions of their own culture. The movement was lead by Incan nobility and the unku and quero were the preferred media for the arts of resistance, particularly through the use of Tocapu. An unku was an Andean sleeveless tunic, composed of hem waist and neck. A Quero was a ceremonial drinking vessel, traditionally made of wood. [...]
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